Trading Lankan tears for votes

The black flag march organised on Saturday, 7 February, by the Sri Lankan Tamil Protection Movement (SLTPM) was led by Vaiko (Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam - MDMK), Dr. S. Ramadoss (Pattali Makkal Katchi - PMK), Thirumavalavan (Viduthalai Ciruththaikal Katchi - VCK), D. Pandian (Communist Party of India - CPI) and the convenor of SLTPM, P. Nedumaran. The march, scheduled to start at four in the evening from Munro statue, began an hour late because the protestors took their time to organise themselves. Even as it began, it was obvious that the protestors were a loosely-held group: the march itself was not contiguous, with groups of people walking at their own pace, chanting slogans that suited each group’s way of looking at the issue. Thus, there were slogans against the governments of Sri Lanka and India at the same time. Mention of the government of Tamil Nadu was conspicuous by its absence; however, the name of Muthukumar, whose immolation triggered similar reactions from others, figured in the slogans of almost every group.

The Sri Lankan Tamil Welfare Rights Forum (SLWRF) began its black flag march from the same venue as early as ten in the morning the next day. DMK and Congress cadre were still alighting en masse from vehicles decorated with respective party flags as Local Development Minister M.K. Stalin arrived to lead the march. It was a Sunday, and the effect was not lost on the cadre. The Munro statue resembled a festival ground, with people chatting off over cups of tea; breakfasts; and in some cases, early lunches. Unlike the previous days’ affair, where black flags was the norm and party ones the exception, DMK, Congress and IUML flags easily outnumbered the black flags. Yes, there was chaos, but the mayor of the city himself going around with a microphone meant that confusion was neatly packed into small groups, organised under numerous banners. The march started on time, since there was no need to add to the already-vast crowd. The previous days’ rally could be surveyed head to tail and back in ten minutes on foot; there was no question of even trying that with this one. If ever there was a study in contrasting shows of strength, this was it.

That Sunday’s march had deteriorated into an attempt to show who is in charge would be obvious from a comparison of the fag ends of both. Both ended near the Chepauk stadium, with the marchers of the first being welcomed with songs hailing the Eelam – and specifically, the LTTE; and the marchers of the second, by a huge cut-out of a smiling Stalin. On the other hand, a blown-up now-familiar photo of Muthukumar was placed at the venue on Saturday. An open jeep had replaced Saturday’s venue on Sunday, with the same journalists who had covered a similar rally only the previous evening from the comfort of their press enclosure now having to jostle in front of the vehicle for a byte. On Saturday, all the leaders of the SLTPM had spoken; only Stalin addressed the gathering the next day.

The two marches were only the last in a series of events where the government – or the DMK – came out having the upper hand. “We request everyone to stay inside as a mark of protest. Even we will not venture out – there will be no public protests either,” Nanmaran, spokesperson of the MDMK, had said on the eve of the February 4- bandh called by the SLTPM. True to his word, Nanmaran and the protestors stayed in the next day, but without any visible sign of protest on the streets, the bandh turned out to be just another working day. It was evident the SLTPM had backed down in the face of governmental pressure.

The political parties that constitute the SLTPM are tiny compared to the two big parties of the state, and it has been the support of apolitical individuals concerned about Tamils in Sri Lanka that has propped it up. Muthukumar’s funeral had attracted large numbers of students and there were attempts at channelling the anger. The students resisted this, but the incident made clear that they were not with the government on the issue. DMK is not new to student unrest; and the government was quick to ensure that students did not organise on the Sri Lankan platform. Many feel that the government overreached itself by sending the police to evict students from hostels, but many observers support the government stance by pointing out that the fact that there were only feeble voices against governmental action show how loosely held the student community is. They argue that if the students had been allowed to organise themselves, it would have resulted in mindless violence.

DMK spokesperson T.K.S. Elangovan was at pains to differentiate the party from the government. ”The government had invited all parties to take part in a dialogue on the Sri Lankan issue, which the opposition declined. The SLTPM was born only after the government had proposed a concerted effort. After the reluctance of the opposition parties to join hands with the government, the chief minister had no option but to form a new front,” he said. At the same time, he conceded that the party would have tackled the issue differently if it had been in the opposition. Confirming many analysts’ observation that the erstwhile-separatist party had been naturalised after its stint in Delhi, the spokesperson said, “The government has certain constitutional obligations; we have to follow certain rules and procedures. Sri Lanka is a sovereign country and to ask for a separate state on the island is not in our capacity. There should be a political solution to the crisis, and it should result in devolution of powers.”

When Mr. Nanmaran says,”You cannot isolate the LTTE from the Tamil cause,” it becomes clear that politics in Tamil Nadu is cleaved on this issue. At the same time, the implications of this gap are unknown as no political alliance has been formed on this issue. Analysts are of the opinion that when parties say that they are “concerned about Eelam Tamils and not political alignment,” they mean just that: by creating a great deal of noise about the issue without creating effective avenues for a meaningful dialogue, the parties in Tamil Nadu are politicising the issue. For example, for all its show of defiance, the PMK has started sending feelers to the DMK hierarchy, indicating that it is not going to stay with its SLTPM buddies for long. This, for many symbolises the end of the Sri Lankan honeymoon. Few would want to reap a whirlwind this April.